Marginal Literature: Chap 2 Colonization and Evangelization

2

COLONIZATION AND EVANGELIZATION

Spanish Expeditions to the Philippines:[1]

The return of Magellan’s lone galleon, the Victoria to Spain via Butuan for repairs; along the Strait of Malacca, Indian Ocean, Cape of Good Hope in South Africa, Cape Verde Islands in the Atlantic, and ultimately arriving in Spain under Sebastian Elcano, with prominent survivors like Antonio de Pigafetta, Francisco Albo, and other fifteen weary and gallant men established one fact. The circumnavigation of the world was done, and it paved the way to the evangelization of the Philippines to Christianity in this far side of the world.

           

            To establish Spain’s sovereignty in these newly discovered territories, in 1543 the Spanish King sent Ruy Lopez de Villalobos with missionaries from Nuevo España [Mexico], and they successfully reached the Philippines. However, they returned accomplishing nothing; their presence in the island had a little influence with the natives.[2]

           

Nonetheless, Spain continued to send expeditions, and in 1565, despite their failures, one was sent, this time it was under the command of Adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legaspi.[3] He successfully established Spain’s sovereignty in the island after sailing all the way from Mexico in Puerto de la Navidad in the district of Galicia and Xalisco; and with four Augustinian friars. The head of the friars was Fr. Andres de Urdaneta, who himself was a navigator. Fray Diego de Herrera, Fray Martin de Rada, and Fray Pedro de Gamboa were the other priests.

            King Phillip’s II royal order to Legaspi was firstly to survey the place, the wealth of the town, their indigenous life and to be friendly with the local chiefs. If the land was good – meaning fertile and inhabited, “befitting and profitable to possess it for God, our Lord, and for the advancement of the Royal Crown, for the good and welfare of the men with him and of those who will go there in the future, a settlement could be started.”[4]

Legaspi retraced the route made by Magellan in 1521, before he must established trading posts or missionary bases. Not only him, was anxious to visit or retrace Magellan’s route, but his pilots, too. They inquired from a native named Camotuan and his companions where Masaua is when they anchored in Cabalian, an island in the Philippine waters located in the southeastern tip of the huge island of Leyte on 13 February 1565; their landfall. Masaua is not far from Cabalian. With able native guides, they sailed and rounded Panaon; and reached Masaua though they anchored off the island because the natives were hostile.

           

Certainly, he and his men had proven that Masaua is an island southeast of Leyte.  But, they did not stay longer, and thereafter sailed for Mindanao to Butuan to retrace the route of Sebastian Elcano in 1521, when the remnants of the defeated colonizers returned to Spain after the battle of Mactan. Magellan’s defeated army retreated from Mactan to Mindanao. Unfortunately or by mere winch of time, Legaspi’s fleet while negotiating the Camiguing Seas was blown off course by easterly winds to Bohol. He never was been able to set foot on Butuan; nevertheless a few of his crew had reached it on a light vessel, after they had fully established themselves well in Cebu.

While Legaspi’s fleet was in Bohol, another historic event took place, a blood compact between him and Datu Sikatuna was concluded. The historic event is traditionally commemorated each year in Tagbilaran, and called as the Sandugo Festival. It draws tourists, either locals or foreigners. However, like the Butuan Tradition, the Sandugo is marred, and unexempt from controversy. It is believed and claimed by the nearby town of Loay that the blood compact happened in Humanawon, Loay and rather not in Bool, Tagbilaran. Such claim has been notably supported by a fact that a big river from the interior town of Loboc winds up and exits in Loay.

 With this significant river system, they asserted that Loay possesses a better mooring place than Bool; and for this reason, likely the community was more thriving than the rest of the island because civilization usually thrives near great bodies of water, such as the one found in Loay.

Let us just leave it as is, the proper government agency will deal on that until evidences or manuscripts forgotten in olden archives would be presented to substantiate one’s claim. The truth shall always set them free, and it will eventually rule; material facts such as authentic manuscripts from old scholars¸ diaries and memoirs of early explorers, if there are still any; aside from other proving measures to be employed.

Adelanto de Legaspi landed in Cebu in 1565, colonized it either through display of power or peaceful agreements; and missionaries began their works.[5] Fr. Andres Urdaneta[6] sailed back to Mexico finding a different route for the return voyage, and keeping the blowing winds at the boat’s astern. With him, was another Augustinian priest Fr. Andes de Aguirre.[7]

Among the early prominent first batch of colonizers to arrive with Legaspi were Guido de Lavezaris, Andres Cauchela, Andres Mirandaola, Andres de Ybarra, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Luis de la Haya, Juan de La Haya, Juean de la Isla, and Gabriel de Rivera.  In a letter to his Majesty dated 29 May 1565, which Urdaneta brought back, all of them were signatories.[8]

The First Settlement and Early

Christian Mission:

            The zeal of the devout first missionaries started, the evangelization phase took place. In the same year 1565 the settlement of Cebu was founded; and the Augustinian Friars had established their own house, as well. From Cebu, Spanish colonization spread all over the nearby islands of the Pintados or the Visayas either through prophetic approach of missionaries, or by the military might by conquests.

[Together with Legaspi’s expedition that landed in the Philippines in 1565 were five (5) Augustinians [4 priests, Andres de Urdaneta, a navigator; Martin de Rada; Diego de Herrera; Andres de Aguirre; and one lay brother, Pedro de Gamboa]. In June 1565, Fr. Urdaneta and Aguirre sailed for Spain via Mexico on board the galleon, San Pedro. The three Augustinians were left to do the evangelization of the natives and to take charge also of the spiritual needs of the original colonizers. Fortunately, in October 1566, a galleon arrived, and on board were four secular priests. These secular priests were to serve as chaplains of the Spanish communities.[9]]

            Spain’s success earmarked by Legaspi expedition ended its quests for discovering the westward route from Mexico seeking for the Spice Islands or Moluccas. In less than ten years time, Legaspi was able to transfer the set of government in 1571 to the bigger island of Luzon in Manila. Following to where the colonial power had its seat of governance, religious orders or congregation followed. Thus, the Augustinians or OSA founded their central mission house in Manila, too.

           

The Franciscans Order arrived in the Philippines in 1578, composed of 14 priests with Fr. Pedro de Alfaro, as Superior. The first three Jesuits arrived 1581. With them were 6 Franciscans, 18 Augustinians, and 2 Dominicans. One of the two Dominicans was the First Bishop of Manila, Domingo de Salazar.  Of the three Jesuits, two were priests namely Fr. Antonio Sedeño and Alonzo Sanchez; and one was a brother/coadjutor, Nicolas Gallardo.[10]

The Dominicans arrived in 1587.[11] Another wave of Augustinian arrived in 1602; they were the Discalced Augustinians or Recollects. This is a monastic order, a Reformists group, an offshoot from the Augustinian Hermit Friars or the Hermit Friars of St. Augustine (OSA) or what we commonly refer to as simply Augustinians.

            It is noteworthy to remember that all early endeavors to spread the Gospels and the propagation of Christianity in Spanish colonial Philippines are inherently shared and credited to the devout zeal, diligence, and patience exerted by all the religious orders.  Despite, Christianity was firstly introduced in 1521 being significantly highlighted by the baptism of the rulers of Cebu – Rajah Humabon, his wife and some of their followers, or by the celebration of the first mass and planting of the cross in Masaua or Limasawa on 7 April 1521, it is a fact that they were never able to fully inculcate in the indigenous lives of the people the true values of Christian tenets. Such failure is openly admitted and attributed not by their inadvertence to spread the Gospels in the deepest sense. But needless to say, the Battle of Mactan on 27 April 1521 answers everything. The colonizers were defeated, Magellan was killed, and Pigafetta says, “We lost our leader, our light, and guide”.

So, the colonizers started their return voyage to Spain in two galleons, passing first in Butuan for re-supply and repairs. Only eighteen survivors made the trip under Sebastian Elcano out of the original three hundred strong seaworthy men.

The galleon Victoria circumnavigated the unexplored world and reached its home port in Sevilla in 1522 via the Straits of Malacca, Indian Ocean, Cape of Good Hope, and Cape Verde Islands in the Atlantic, among others, ending the crews’ miseries and giving fame to those who made it.[12]  

            With the influx of the different groups of missionaries to the Philippine Island, evangelization through preaching, conversion and baptism were carried steadfastly. Thus, the “convento model” was introduced here too, as it was applied and proven workable in the Spanish colonies in the New World. This model refers to a pattern where four or five missionaries would establish a convento with maybe several or few Spanish families and hundreds of natives living in a village, thereby forming a community of Christians.[13]

In the early beginnings of the colonization, regular Spanish soldiers joined expeditions without being paid; and adventurous families from Spain arrived here and boldly settled, as well, with hopes to be granted of an encomienda someday in recognition of their faithful service to the Crown.

The encomienda system was first introduced in 1503 by Spain in its new colonies in Hispaniola; [the present days Haiti and Dominican Republic] a few years after Columbus discovered America in 1492.[14]

As early as 1571, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi established the encomienda system in the Philippines; such was apparently demonstrated in his letters conferring some areas of Mindanao to Spanish loyal subjects.[15]  

As we go on later, we would come to an intervening constraint in the evangelization process. We do not wish, however, to point fingers as to who started the conflict, which lasted during the entire duration of the Spanish rule in the Philippines. But history told us, Spain in the Iberian Peninsula for many centuries was colonized by the Berber Moors from North Africa. The colonization of Spain by the Moors happened long before, dating back even before the Holy Crusade began. Perhaps such was one of the aggravating circumstances in the provocation of conflict between them in this island.

           

However insofar as the actual circumstances on the beginning of hostilities between Christians and Muslims in the general sense, such as those happening earlier in Europe, just as in the Philippines,  are still somewhat unclear, puzzling us even up to these days.[16]

Early Evangelization of Mindanao:

            Setting aside the conflict of the Moro-Hispano, let us try to trace the early beginnings of the spread of Christianity in Mindanao.

Apparently, the baptism administered by Magellan’s Chaplain to the native rulers - Humabon of Cebu and his wife; Colambu of Limasawa, Siagu or Sauia of Butuan (brother of King Colambu), and a number of their followers in Cebu before the battle of Mactan took place, denotes one fact; their conversion to Christianity was only haphazardly done because in one sense there was no proper catechumens, and more than that the natives did not know much the in-depth doctrines of Christianity considering their immediate departures due to their defeat in Mactan.

           

            Seventeen years later, a similar incident happened, not because another battle was fought, but again the conversion and baptism of the natives was not nurtured rightly by the missionaries. Not much longer, the new converts were left on their own, leaving them entirely unprepared to exercise their new professed faith, and to know more about the sacraments, nor had there been a follow-up, except only of the physical institution of baptism.

            Why again it went that way, the story goes. Long before Spain ruled the Philippines, Moluccas, or the Spice Islands was already a colony of Portugal. In 1538, a Portuguese ship from Terrenate in the Moluccan Island commanded by Francisco de Castro sailed for Macassar[17] in Celebes Island, laden with spice and other valuable cargoes. Again, the weather was the culprit; they went off course farther north from Moluccas being vehemently blown by strong winds. Their ship landed in the southern coast of Mindanao in the present areas of Sarangani.

            The Portuguese stayed in Sarangani for quite sometime; sensing the friendliness of the natives towards them, tried to evangelize them. Without afterthought nor hesitation, or probably allured by gifts as it is the usual way to get people closer, the native chiefs with their families accepted baptism. Nevertheless not long thereafter, de Castro left for the Moluccas; and on his return trip brought some of the sons of the chieftain to formally educate them in school in Terrenate.

            Excluding the northern and northeastern parts, the inhabitants of Mindanao were pagans. The southern areas like the Cotabatos; Lanao in the central, and Sulu to the west were predominantly Islam. Arab traders and missionaries reached Mindanao much ahead than the Spaniards

            When Francisco de Castro left, the ship’s chaplain left as well. Without someone left to in-depthly preach the Gospels and nurture the seeds of Christianity: practice of the Sacraments, devotion to Holy Rosary and other tenets to enrich their commitments with their new professed faith, the new converts reverted to their old ways of worships.    Had the Portuguese settled permanently in Saranganis, perhaps Mindanao’s history would have been altered, and Islam may not be the predominantly religion in Southern Philippines, as it is now.

 The situation in Cebu was unlike with Sarangani; nonetheless it seemed there are likely similarities. Its abandonment was basically due to the Spanish defeat. On the other hand, the Portuguese in Sarangani left the new converts in order to continue primarily their trade. The span of 58 years [1596 when the Jesuits first arrived in Mindanao and 1538 when the Portuguese initially evangelized partly Sarangani] is a lengthy time interval. 

As can be remembered, Francisco de Castro and his crew were blown off course, and accidentally landed there. In either case, evangelization was actually done, which even resulted to the conversion of the natives because they willingly accepted Christianity through baptism. But seemingly the conversion process was done incompletely, and rather done only to achieve one specific dictum in line with one type of Theology introduced by Tertulian of Carthage that is an “inclusivist notion”, which could be summed up in the Latin maxim, “extra ecclesiam nulla salus” or “outside the Church there is no salvation”.

It appears that there existed an urgent necessity for the priests to baptize the natives, despite catechism and important tenets of Christianity were not actually grasped by them. In other words, conversion may have been done haphazardly, for fear of the maxim. It was a belief, and regarded today by church scholars as a wrong perception that anyone who is not baptized, or converted to the Christian Faith could not be saved.

           

Notwithstanding the fact that Spain spent much to approximately Three Million Pesos in the conquest and evangelization of the Philippines between the periods from 1564-1585, wherein big slash of the budget of the Royal Treasury went to the troops – military supplies; ordnance, ship constructions; equipments; fort’s fortification; and so on; the Spanish Government finally realized that what they got from the colony (Philippines) was not commensurate to the expenses they incurred. But King Philipp II disregarded this, as he was willing to exhaust the Crown’s wealth, which they had in the Americas, and was even willing to sell his crown only to build churches in the new colony.[18] Thus, Christianization of the Philippines was ever carried forward, and the Spanish Catholic Kingdom was unmindful of its deficit.

            Accordingly, Spain’s conquest of the Philippines was not made through war, inheritance or by the liking of the natives to be ruled by a colonial power. As such, Spanish rule or their coming to the Philippines was purposely to spread the Gospels, to save every soul and eternal happiness in the afterlife. The doctrine of Patronata Real clearly applies.[19]

           

 While it was a justifying reason why the Philippines was colonized by Spain; it took however thirty-one years later for Christianity to reach Mindanao, reckoned at the time when the first settlement in Cebu was established in 1565; or fifty-eight years later when the Portuguese accidentally landed in 1538 in Sarangani.

In 1596, two Jesuit Missionaries, Fr. Valerio de Ledesma, and Fr. Manuel Martinez arrived in Manila through the port of Cabit or Cavite from Spain via Mexico for their mission assignments in the Philippines. They were assigned to Cebu and chosen as missionaries for Mindanao to address the request of the encomienderos of Butuan, settling in the Agusan Delta. Unnoticed for a longer time the evangelization of Mindanao eventually began; the encomienderos possessed such influence over the colonial rulers that it sent missionaries to Butuan.

Occurring in similar year, the Spanish expedition under Figueroa to conquer Cotabato failed. Spain’s military prowess failed in Mindanao, but the cross triumphed against the sword in another form of conquest.

            The need for missionaries in the Agusan Delta was too pressing; the two priests were dispatched immediately. But, Fr. Martinez stayed in Cebu for another two weeks, he was too frail for sea travel; however his counterpart Fr. Ledesma went ahead, and arrived in Butuan in November 1596.

The encomienda in the Philippines was established with similar precepts to what had been practiced in Hispaniola. The grantee or encomiendero had the responsibility of keeping charge of the natives, teaching them of the Christian faith, and the right to benefits from their labor.[20] Spanish officers or soldiers, and government officials who had served their country quite long and achieved commendable accomplishments, were the priority grantees of the encomienda. In this extant case, they came to Butuan to enrich themselves from the toils and fruits of labors of the conquistas – the native inhabitants.

           

At first, the presence of the two Jesuits in Butuan was viewed with great suspicion. They were watched keenly if similarly they too were selfish and corrupt like those who came in first, and resided thereat – encomienderos, soldiers, and other officials. But, they found the priests totally different; they were unlike the Spanish residents who took advantage of everything being colonizers. Instead, they found them good, selfless and even, the ones helping them.  Inch by inch, natives’ confidence were won; their curiosities were focused on the meekness of the priests’ lives, and they wondered why they lived on such simplicity and piousness. Attracted to the kind of faith the missionaries professed, conversion crept into their indigenous life.

            As strategy in the pre-evangelization stage, songs were taught by the missionaries to the children. Through memorization, the children learned the songs easily, and subconsciously brought the songs to their households. Eventually, everyone in there knew the songs, and overnight it turned into as greatest hits of the day, even those working in the fields or at home doing housekeeping were singing, which actually were songs of prayers or worship praises.[21] Preaching was done smartly by the missionaries in the homes of prominent families or the principalia. Doing this would reap more converts, as it would be easier to convert the followers, after their leaders had accepted conversion, and baptism. This had been exemplified in the baptism en masse of Rajah Humabon’s followers in Cebu in 1521 because the Rajah, himself; accepted to be baptized, as well.

By mid 1597, many natives were converted to Christianity; the necessity of building a church was envisioned, and in fact made. In less than a year time, due to the devout efforts of the Jesuits to spread the Gospels, the church was inaugurated on 8 September 1597 during the feast day of the Nativity of the Blessed Mary.  It was the first Catholic Church ever solemnly built in Mindanao, particularly in Butuan; and this had been made possible by the concerted efforts of the new Christian community, as well as pagans that had been prepared yet for baptism.

            Before the celebration of the Holy Mass, there was a procession, and because the church was not that big to accommodate everyone who attended the inauguration, the mass was held in the open field. The small church was made only of light materials; nevertheless, it signified the emergence of a thriving Christian community, amidst the abuses made by those who willed it.

 [It is remarkable to notate as indicated in the subsequent chapter that the present area of Butuan City is a relocation site of the old Hispanic pueblo of Butuan. The transfer was motivated to the flooding of the poblacion due to the overflowing of the Agusan River; however, until these days flood is still a perennial problem in Butuan and the river communities along the banks of this great river.]

           

Consequently, almost everyone living along the river delta wished to be baptized or had been baptized.

            Mindanao was under the diocese of Cebu. It was a new diocese created by Pope Clement VIII in 1595 with the titular name as the Diocese of the Most Holy Name. The First Bishop was an Augustinian Friar named Pedro de Agurto who had been waited for several years; he arrived much later.[22]

           

The approved cathedral charter so mandated the Society of Jesus to take charge the evangelization of Mindanao; for which, those two young Jesuits came to Butuan in 1596 in obedience to the charter.

 In March 1600, another Jesuit missionary priest named Fr. Cristobal Ximenez came to replace Fr. Manuel Martinez, whose new assignment had to be in the island of Leyte.  Fr. Valerio de Ledesma had left Butuan long ago, for his new assignment in the small but populous island of Bohol.

           

Going farther northwest, in what is today the Zamboanga Peninsula; and its evangelization was started by a Jesuit. The early evangelization of the area could be traced back to have been firstly done by Fr. Pablo Acuña, a Jesuit, and a Chaplain during the Spanish campaign against the Moros; who during his free time preached the Gospel in the areas of the indigenous Subanens or Subanons. Fr. Pedro Gutierrez[23] (1593-1651), a Jesuit pioneer missionary in Mindanao who consolidated the initiatives of Fr. Pablo Acuna, S.J.[24] Such was the beginning of the Christianization of Zamboanga.[25] Fr. Gutierrez was the first Mission Superior of the Dapitan Mission when it was a permanent apostolate in 1631. The Dapitan Mission evangelized the areas of Zamboanga, and Misamis Occidental; and with the opening of the Iligan Mission, it also evangelized partly the areas of Lanao. It as well covered the western parts of Misamis Oriental, up to the town in what is today Initao, Misamis Oriental.

            In the visitations of the Provincial Jesuit Superior, Fr. Gregorio Lopez in 1612, the Butuan Mission delighted him most. Despite the Butuan Mission started just lately, it was however chosen as the well established mission among the other mission stations that were already established much ahead in Luzon and the Eastern Visayas. But, not much longer, it was turned over to the Bishop of Cebu. The move was necessary to pave the way of the coming of another group of missionaries that would serve Mindanao, the Augustinian Recollects. The OAR or Recollects came to the Mindanao missions in 1620, though they had been here in 1602 yet. 

Shortly after the departure of the Jesuits, the Bishop of Cebu sent a secular priest to take charge of the mission.[26]

Notwithstanding his inherent goodness, seemingly he was not the right person to do missionary and countrified works because of his passiveness about the tyrannies and abuses of the encomienderos, officials, and soldiers. Perhaps, the secular priest was just too afraid to get into trouble with them, and had not rightly commended what was good and condemned evil. He was silent and fortified himself in the comfort zone of the convento, as he too had been a part of the Indios’ problem. Why stay unconcerned when he could do something good for the Indios.

[As we could not be certain when the native uprising in Butuan happened, probably let us fill-in the vacuum for the date or year, and place the happening sometime between after the Jesuits left – early in 1611 and until 1614. We are certain that in order to neutralize the uprising, a Jesuit was requested to mediate and pacify the natives, so Fr. Sarsali was assigned in Butuan; and out of his tact, had successfully suppressed the uprising either through his mediation process and by merely setting good examples what priest should do.]

[In the first quarter of the 16^th century, revolts in the Pintados started; in 1621 there was a revolt in Bohol led by Tamblot; and likewise in Leyte by their leader Bangkaw. Camiguin in 1631 joined with Bayog, a settlement along the coast in Lanao; and a faction in Cagayan [anti-Spaniards] against the colonial regime in Cagayan.]

[We do not know if in Camiguin, Bayog, and a faction in Cagayan if their spirit of nationalism had started to grow in them in these early years of Spanish rule, or had the deal and whispers of Sultan Kudarat of Cotabato enticed them to revolt, because the chronicler said they had been manipulated by the Lord of Mindanao to act against the Spaniard.][27]

Hence, there was a revolt in Butuan, a bloody expression of discontentment against oppression and tyranny. The once peaceful Christian community of Butuan was disarrayed; which resulted to the massacre of the Spanish community, including the secular priest.

[We are certain that the secular priest in Butuan was not an Indio but a Spaniard. It is one of the grim realities in the early period of the Christianization of the Philippines there was a restriction to admission to all religious orders in the Philippines, of any native Indio [Filipino] or a mestizo [Spanish, or Chinese] even if qualified and deserving. This process of cleansing or purification is called as “Limpieza de Sangre.”[28]

In response to the very alarming situation, the colonial government requested assistance from the Jesuits, as the latter were there and even the ones who started the early evangelization; and they had been notably successful in their endeavors. Their early successes in the Butuan mission were viewed as a neutralizing factor to be able to pacify the place.

For this, Fr. Fabricio Sarsali, S.J.[29] was assigned thereat upon the pleading request of the authorities to mediate, and pacify the insurrection, or for whatever means the good priest would think to peacefully suppress the rebellion.[30]

 Indeed, the rebellion was ended.

[In the succeeding chapter, we would meet again Fr. Sarsali in the Joloan campaigns.]

 

The Founding of Cagayan de Misamis:

            The uncontested prosperous native settlement in Cagayan de Oro was in Himologan, an interior part some 10 kilometers away from the present city proper along the banks of the Lambago River [Cagayan River]. This early native settlement was discovered in 1971, and today the place is called Huluga, which continuously draws attraction among local and foreign tourists.

            How evangelization came to Cagayan de Oro, could be traced from the endeavors of missionaries from Caraga. In 1622, Bishop de Arce of Cebu sent 8 Recollect missionaries namely, Fathers Miguel de Santa Maria, Superior; Agustin de San Pedro; Francisco de la Madre de Dios; Jacinto de San Fulgencio; Jacinto de Jesus Maria; Juan de la Madre de Dios; Juan de Sa Nicolas; and Nicolas de la Madre de Dios (?).[31] The Spanish settlement of Tandag in Surigao del Sur was permanently established following the culmination of the battle of Tandag, which Juan de Vega fought against the natives of Caraga. This formidable force consisting of 400 regular soldiers, sufficient number of Indio militia troops, 18 caracoas and 3 frigates sailed to clear Iloilo, Cebu and Leyte from Moro raiders from Mindanao. Passing from those afore-mentioned places, they arrived at Caraga.[32]

The Recollects in Caraga moved northwest towards Agusan, for one, Fr. Juan de San Nicolas journeyed to Agusan via the Agusan River; and was able to penetrate more than a hundred kilometers south of Butuan in a town called “Linao”.[33] Butuan at this time when the Recollects arrived was already evangelized by the Jesuits; in fact they replaced them because the Jesuits were assigned in newly opened mission areas in the Pintados in the bigger islands of Samar and Leyte, including the small but populous island of Bohol.

            While the Recollect priests, Fathers Juan de San Nicolas, and Francisco de la Madre de Dios were in Butuan, they knew of a prosperous town named Himologan in the present day Cagayan de Oro. They sailed for Cagayan or Himologan, but anchored first in Camiguin Island. Datu Salansang was the ruler of Himologan; they Recollects implored the assistance of the grandmother of Salangsang, who was already a Christian convert and named as Doña Magdalena Baaya. Through her, the two priests successfully met Salangsang at Himologan and were permitted to stay a few kilometers away from Salangsang’s camp.[34]

[The place where the priests temporary fixed their quarters is believed to be the present site where the metropolitan cathedral is constructed near the river Lambago.]

The founding of Cagayan de Misamis in 1622, which presently is the capital of Misamis Oriental; as well as the mission of Catadman or Catarman in Camiguin happened in similar times.  Cagayan happened to be the Recollect base in the mainland, while Catarman, in Camiguin Island that fronted the mainland, became their base also for their island evangelization journeys.[35]

            In spite Dapitan extensively also covered the missions of Zamboanga, Misamis or today’s Ozamiz City, Iligan, and the western part of Misamis Oriental up to Initao, it was however not made as the capital of the 2^nd District of Mindanao. But instead, Cagayan de Misamis was the capital because of the economic advances, and other development it had, aside from being strategically located. It is located in the northern coast of Misamis Oriental, fronting the Macajalar Bay. A river named Lambago flows on the western side of the pueblo that emanates from the Kitanglad Mountain Range in Bukidnon, and debouching towards the later bay.

Like the Jesuits, the Recollects, too, were unable to send enough missionaries to the different mission areas as there were only a handful of them. During this time, Pedro de Arce was the Bishop of Cebu; and the vast diocese comprised the entire Visayan region, all of Mindanao and Sulu, and the Marianas Islands in the mid-Pacific Ocean.[36]

           

A decree was issued in 1624 by Governor General Fernando Tello; authorizing the Jesuits to return to Mindanao, because they left the island in the early part of the 17^th century for the Visayan missions. With their return in 1624, Mindanao had two missionary groups to take charge of its evangelization. It was therefore divided in similar year between the Recollects and the Jesuits. The imaginary division stretches from North to South, starting from Punta Sulawan in Initao, Misamis Oriental in the North, and moved down in a straight line up to the tip of Cape San Agustin once the areas of Sigaboy, and in today’s town of Governor Generoso in Davao Oriental. From that imaginary line, all areas going to the East belonged to the Recollects, while the other half to the West, to the Jesuits.

The Recollects’ Mission in Cagayan, Misamis Oriental, and Camiguin:

            Mindanao was divided into six administrative districts. These were the districts of Zamboanga-Basilan; Dapitan, Surigao, Davao, Cotabato; and Jolo. Each district was ruled by a Politico-Military Governor.

            The Recollects established themselves well in Cagayan and in Catarman – Camiguin Island. In 1622 or about the same time when Cagayan was firstly occupied by them, Catarman attained the status as a parish, despite it was still under the administrative charge of Cagayan. Presently, it has the titular name as the Parish of San Roque, a name given to Catarman in 1622 yet.  

            One of the constraints in the formal permanent establishments of mission settlements was its security against raiders. Oftentimes, Christian communities along the coastal areas were raided by pirates; settlements necessarily had to fortify themselves with a good perimeter line of defense. As early as 1626, pirates raided Cagayan de Misamis, and a Recollect priest named Padre Agustin de San Pedro, or “El Padre Capitan” defended it against the raiders under Corralat.[37]

Cachil Corralat or Kudarat was a Maguindanao, and acclaimed as the Lord of a big river in Mindanao.[38]

Earlier before the raid of the Maguindanao happened; Padre Capitan fortified the mission settlement along the riverfront located south of the present site of the cathedral, parts of Carmen and areas between Rizal Street and the Cagayan or Lambago River. Corralat knew all military preparations made by Padre Capitan; he was enraged as if his lordship and authority was contested by this 23 year old young priest, who lately was just assigned to Cagayan de Misamis as a missionary.

Thirty caracoas were assembled to carry on the attack against the settlement of Himologan, or Cagayan.  Before the priests came, regular tributes were paid by the rulers of Cagayan to Maguindanao, it was its vassalage. However, when the priests arrived everything was spoiled. Someone has to pay, and incidentally it had to be the missionary priest of the settlement, the young priest; whom Corralat had no knowledge that the former studied architecture, and military science and tactics, with specialization in gunnery at the University of Salamanca in Spain, of course.[39]

 It is, however, unclear if the Corralat’s forces came in by boats from their homelands by way of the Macajalar Bay via the Zamboangan Peninsula, because Cotabato is indeed far from Cagayan de Misamis; or had they come through land routes passing the areas of Malanaos or Maranaos of Lanao? Had they come from Cotabato via the big Maranding River that is debouching to Panguil Bay in Misamis, or from Cotabato through the Bukidnon areas in the Upper Pulangi? In vintas or joangas by sea or merely through overland routes, we leave that to unrecorded history; all these are unimportant anyway, and what is important, is the fact that they once invaded Cagayan de Oro. Regardless on how they come, History has told us that they had come.  

            However, brave as Corralat, or even braver than him; the fame Padre Agustin de San Pedro, OAR – the Prior of Cagayan de Misamis entered the heartland of Lanao through the Iponan River Valley and reached as far as Lake Lanao, much ahead than Captain General Sebastian Hurtado Corcuera’s forces toured in those places.[40] Captain General Sebastian Hurtado Corcuera’s forces made military campaigns against the Moros in Mindanao in 1638 and such campaign was successful. As such, several military outposts or garrisons were established to consolidate his victories.[41] It was during Corcuera’s time when plays on stage the “moro-moro” were shown depicting battles, which at the end of the play Christians usually emerged as victorious over their adversaries.

           

While Cagayan de Misamis experienced tranquility from Moro raids in 1659, there was a rebellion; a woman named Salud headed the uprising. It is believed that Salud was a shaman or priestess of a cult in the mountains. The military government was helpless in suppressing the rebellion; this time a priest made the initiative to end the problem. Fr. Nicolas de la Madre de Dios went to the mountains alone, unarmed, and without provisions. What he did was to convert first the followers of the shaman. Thereafter, Salud was arrested with her son Apolinar; the new converts captured and brought them to Cagayan.[42]

            In the mid part of the 18^th century, Moro depredations heighten; a cota or fort was constructed in Cagayan in 1730, purposely to fortify themselves against the invaders.  As to where it was erected, it is not written specifically, but traditions had it that a small statue of Our Lady of the Rosary was placed on the cota’s solid wall. The inhabitants prayed homage to the shrine; accordingly it had some mystical power over sickness. They strongly believed that the Lady of Rosary spared the town from the marauding pirates.

Nowadays, the statue is still preserved at the Jesuit Museum and Folklore in Cagayan de Oro City.[43]

The Visitas:

Despite, there were only a few Recollect priests in Cagayan de Misamis to administer pastoral functions in town; they had managed to establish four more visitas. In 1751, they had the visitas of Balingoan, Gompot, Tagoloan, and Iponan.[44]

           

The concept of a visita according to Fr. Jose S. Arcilla, S.J. is this:

A “visita” is a cluster of more or less numerous houses so called, because they do not have a resident priest, but would just be regularly visited by priest in view of few missionaries in the country to administer the sacraments and teach basic Christian doctrine, or in general to see how the Christians are faring.[45]

 Visitas may even obtained the status of township or colonial towns, but for perennial reasons the lack of priests, visitations, and religious instructions to them were done infrequently, or in longer time intervals.  

In 1599, Fr. Gaspar Astete, a Spanish Jesuit wrote the Doctrina Cristiana. It was published and translated into all languages. It may have been used in Cagayan de Misamis areas, as well in and of course perhaps elsewhere where catechisms were taught.

In early colonial Philippines, there were no permanent instructional materials in used, so we wonder if the Recollects in Cagayan de Misamis used the Doctrina, for they too had a syllabus for their own use; unless otherwise the Bishop of Cebu had instructed everyone in the missions to use the former.

In 1637, Fr. Alfonso de Mentrida, OSA [Augustinian] published his Catecismo de Doctrina Cristiana en Lengua Bisaya, along with his other famous work, the Visayan Dictionario; at least choices were already available than before. [46]

A Switch to Local History, Restudying Gompot or Gonpot:

            The town of Balingoan in Misamis Oriental is located in the eastern part. For one primary reason, it was a visita of the Recollects though it is considerably far from Cagayan de Misamis because of its strategical nearness to the island of Camiguin, where they had their missions, too.

            In the present times, Balingoan serves as the only seaport in Misamis Oriental aside from Cagayan de Oro City, connecting the mainland to Camiuin through the nautical highways on an hour ferry crossing.

           

Well for Tagoloan, it was formerly known as the Mission of Pinagolan, founded earlier in 1744.[47] It is the first town from Cagayan de Oro going to the east towards the two provinces of Agusan.

            Iponan is just a corridor of Cagayan de Oro on the western side. Its nearness to the Recollects’ central base was the reason of its earlier evangelization. Today, it is a barangay of Cagayan de Oro City, indeed, a progressive one; and its layout is likely similar to the old towns of Tagoloan, Balingasag, or any colonial town in the Philippines for that matter. Could it be not that Iponan was once a colonial town in early Spanish time? Probably yes.

But, where is Gompot? The former three visitas even today possess the same identities or names, but what about Gompot, could it be not that it was one of the Recollect visitas in a remote mountain?

Is there any significance why earlier writer like Fr. Licinio Ruiz presented it that way merely for alphabetical order? If it was meant to be in alpha order, why was Iponan not mentioned or written between Gompot and Tagoloan? Too puzzling, but of course; it has some important significance, otherwise Fr. Ruiz would have not written it that way. Could it be not that he was implying or concretely projecting his views that he meant distance? Very probably, so that is why he mentioned Balingoan first, followed by Gompot, Tagoloan, and Iponan.

Balingoan is approximately 80 kilometers away from Cagayan de Oro City today; Tagoloan is not over 24 kilometers from Cagayan; and Iponan in the western side is much closer, about 10 kilometers away.

            Hence, it is very probably that Fr. Ruiz tried to arrange it according to the distance from its central mission base in Cagayan and the visitas. Nevertheless, the question remains as is, where is Gompot?

            One scholar from Balingasag said Gompot in the present times is Balingasag.[48] Another scholar said, it was a town in 1749.[49] Had the latter misconstrued to call it as a colonial town rather than a village or “visita”? But there is a lesser margin of error, since Padre Felipe Redondo y Sendino was the Provisor of the Diocese of Cebu; he had direct access on the records.

            It was only in 1865 when Mindanao was divided into two dioceses, the Diocese of Jaro (Panay) was created and comprised all the western areas of the island, with Tamontaka Mission of the Jesuits in Cotabato as one of its areas.[50]

An Overview of the Early History of Gompot or Balingasag:

            Perhaps it would be logical to review first the town’s history in the point of views of local writers in Balingasag, even in summary.  

Among others, it says like this and it would be therefore presented in summary linkage based on the accounts from the town’s early writers. 

“The place Gompot is derived from the name of a Moro pirate called “Gompot”, once occupied the western side along the coasts, which presently comprise the Poblacion, with Kitagtag or Luguimit River, and extending up to the wide spacious plains of Calacala.

The thick forest in the area was a place of refuge of Pirate Gompot and his men. After their successful raids along the coastal villages, Gompot and his men just returned to these places to rest. It is a haven for them, but for the natives, it is a place of fear. So, the natives fled to a much safer place because of Gompot’s chaotic interferences. This had been on for many years, fortunately, Moro Gompot and his men did not return anymore to their haven, after setting out for buccaneering raids one day.

Accordingly, the ruling datus of the two big clans in old Balingasag were Datu Manuel Mateo and Bae’Tomasa, and Datu Marcos and Bae’Gregoria. They resided in Galas for fear of Moro Gompot. Galas is a place between present day Manoyog in Barangays Baliwagan and Waterfall, near the rivers Balatukan that flows from the north to southwest and Musi-musi from the south to southwest, as well.

It is said that Christianity firstly took place in Galas. A missionary priest, whom the natives called simply as “Padre Esko”, once evangelized Galas. He lived shortly there, and accordingly had baptized the newly-born children of both datus. Datu Marcos and Bae’ Gregoria were Marcos Atonio and Ursula Maria.

On the other hand, Datu Mateo and Bae’ Tomasa begot Manuel Mateo and Rita Gregoria. Marcos Antonio married Rita Gregoria, while the Manuel Mateo married Rita Tomasa [unmentioned on what genealogy she came from, or probably another daughter of Datu Mateo and Bae’ Tomasa].

Local history writers in Balingasag shared similar views and a thesis propounded that Padre Esko could have been the famous Jesuit Missionary, St. Francis Xavier[51] who dropped by for a while in Balingasag, on his way to missionary journey somewhere. It is further said that Padre Esko constructed the first church made of light materials in Galas. [Let us deal on this later.]

After Padre Esko left, another church was built in Galas, this time it was made of solid materials “tabique pampango”[52] The leadership of the two clans now rested on the shoulders of two Datus by virtue of succession in view of the demise of their parents. Datu Mamerto Manuel replaced his father Manuel Mateo of Gompot, while Datu Antonio Ramon, son of Marcos Antonio of Galas, succeeded his father.

Despite all went well in Galas, Datu Mamerto Manuel a descendant of the ruling datu of the place occupied by Moro Gompot, returned to the old settlement [present poblacion site] with his followers leaving his counterpart Antonio Ramon, a Datu in Galas.

As the years dragged on, a great flood happened sometime in 1790. The Balatukan and Musi-musi Rivers overflowed from their banks; rushing floodwaters had gone             across the settlement of Galas, which was nearby at the mouths of these rivers to     their final journey to the sea. Inevitably, if they would not vacate the area, sooner they would be stripped empty of everything they owned including their lives. Though            they knew these rivers had given them livelihood, irrigated their farms and gardens; and gave them abundant fish during seasons of tranquility, it is, however, sad that they had to abandon it.

The native settlers of Galas transferred to Gompot; its transfer happened accordingly sometime in 1793 per testimony of certain, Gavina Maria Balcueba, the wife of Santos Vega, the merchant from Cebu.

Another contrary opinion says, the transfer took place some twenty years after the occurrence of the great flood, placing the year as 1810.

            Clearly, points of controversies indeed arose, two different dates on one single significant event.

After the transfer, Datu Mamerto Manuel of Gompot chose the last name of Valmores; his counterpart Datu Antonio Ramon of Galas had his own last name as Madroño.[53]

Thus, it is believed that Antonio, grandson of Datu Marcos of Galas, and Mamerto, grandson of Datu Mateo of Gompot, were the founders of Balingasag.[54]

           

From another writer¸ it says:

The two Dattos who founded the present town of Balingasag were Datto Mamerto Manuel [later known as Mamerto Valmores] and Datto Antonio Ramon [Antonio Madroño]. The poblacion itself stands on the property formerly owned by the former. The two were considered the founders of Balingasag.[55]

           

Furthermore it goes on:

So, if one would stand on the site of the old church, facing towards the      mountains, one would see the tribunal building and beyond. Calle Real was the dividing line.

It was the demarcation line agreed upon by the two reigning Dattos. Thus, all agricultural lands from East to West and going South until Barangay Baliwagan would belong to Datto Antonio Madroñoo of Galas and his followers. The areas from similar boundary extending up to Barangay Mandangoa, to Datto Mamerto Valmores of Gompot, and of course, his followers.

This is why in the olden times, Balingasag was known as the land of the Valmoreses and the Madroños.[56]

           

About the division of Balingasag between the two Datus, it says again:

The capitanes divided the town into two parts, with boundary lines extending from east to west. The northern part belonged to Mamerto’s [Mamerto Manuel] jurisdiction, while the adjacent portion went to Antonio [Antonio Ramon].[57]

From the above narrated historical overview, the following issues or concerns spring out and are presented for in-depth study:

a.       Would it be not that the name Galas as it is called even today was formerly Gompot? [The areas where presently occupied by Pryce Gas Bulk Plant and beyond these areas, where Balatukan River’s floodwaters debouch to the sea in place called Manuyog, in today’s Barangay  Baliwagan.]

b.      Would it be possible that the transfer of Galas settlers to the present town proper called Gompot happened earlier before 1793 or as said being completed in 1810?

c.        Is there any sense or can it be supported logically by reasons that the transfer of Galas settlement to the present town site did not happen during the time of Mamerto Manuel Valmores (Datu Gompot) and Antonio Ramon Madrono (Datu Galas)?

d.      Had St. Francis Xavier reached Balingasag or Mindanao in general? [Kindly see in the next chapter a detailed literature of St. Francis up to his canonization.]

            Let us tackle the issues piece by piece, or in segments, or maybe wholly, and try to link events; and see if we could consistently justify it.

About the Transfer of Galas to Gompot, or Present day Balingasag:

            As a premise, let us accept that in the previous pages we knew from the writings of Padre Licinio Ruiz, Gompot was a visita of the Recollects in 1751, together with Balingoan, Tagoloan and Iponan, despite there were only two priests in Cagayan de Misamis. Likewise, another early writer Padre Felipe Redondo y Sendino says, Gompot was a town in 1749. Being a colonial town in 1749, does not necessarily mean that it was a regular parish already; and had been it a town, it had still retained the status of a visita for one simple reason, there was a shortage of priest, and the Recollects had only two priests in Cagayan de Misamis.

            But why was it that as early as 1749 and we may have noticed it, early writers used to call the place as Gompot and never as Galas? Were they implying to the present town site [Balingasag] which according to local scholars is called as Gompot, or to another place called Galas; and whose residents transferred to Gompot? But for sure, Fr. Felipe Redondo y Sendino could not be wrong; he was the Provisor of the Diocese of Cebu, or the other early scholars like Padre Ruiz and Montero Vidal.

            Could it be that Gompot since time immemorial or before the alleged transfer, already existed and called as such, and the place Galas existed only in myths?

            Moreover, Fr. Rodolfo P. Cabonce’s S.J. unpublished works [based from Fr. Licinio Ruiz’s writings] that was published later by Fr. Francisco Demeterio, S.J., in a book entitled Historical Glimpses of Northern Mindanao, a line says:

Sipaka was attached by the Moros in 1749 and the Priest in Catarman with a numerous natives of Camiguin went to Sipaka to aid the Christian settlement.[58]

[Francisco Clotet, S.J. in his letter, later in Chapter IV narrated what happened, their guide told them, while he was exploring Sipaca Heights. The church’s ruin on the mountain top of Sipaca confirms Fr. Cabonce line.]

            Likewise, Fr. Jose Montero y Vidal, S.J. in his works Historia de la pirateria malayo mahometana en Mindanao, Jolo y Borneo[59]says:

A detailed account of the violent depredations committed by the Moro pirates in the one decade following the British invasion would fill entire volumes.

            Furthermore, another Jesuit scholar, Fr. Miguel A. Bernad who died in 2008 summarized Fr. Montero’s work and gave us a listing on the intensity of the attacks, as follows:

In the Caraga district, the Moros burned almost all the towns. In the Iligan district [Misamis], at least five towns were sacked and burned: Iponan, Alilitum, Gompot, Salay, Sipaca. In the island of Camiguing, many people were killed and many others were taken prisoners. . .[60]

           

Moro piratical depredations were so immense that it intensified all over the archipelago a decade following the invasion of the British of Manila in 1762. [Later in this chapter, we would know its aggravating cause, why it was widespread and on such an intensity.]

Going back to what we wish to establish, would it be not that the events, which were written by two writers [Licinio Ruiz and Jose Montero y Vidal) refer to one similar event that happened before 1762 when the British colonized Manila - that the burning and sacking of Gompot or Balingasag may have happened any year between 1749 and 1762?

           

Padre Ruiz says, Sipaca was attacked in 1749, and on the other hand, Fr. Montero y Vidal says, at least five towns were sacked and burned in Misamis.  Fr. Montero y Vidal mentioned “Sipaca” and “Gompot”, too, among others. And he says, “In one decade following the British invasions of Manila in 1762”. Meaning, Moro raids happened and heightened from 1749 up to 1762, or to be more specific from 1752 to 1762.

            Although evidently Fr Ruiz did not categorically mention in his works, if Gompot was attacked, however Fr. Montero y Vidal positively identified or named Gompot. Would it be not remote that the transfer of Gompot or Galas, to the present town site of Balingasag happened between 1749 and 1762, or during or after the Moro attack?

           

Seemingly, it is bit logical to say that the alleged transfer of the settlement of Galas or Gompot was not in 1793 or to have been completed in 1810, aside from another conjecture that it was abandoned due to heavy flooding of the Balatukan River in 1790. “Why and what” would follow as the proving questions.

Firstly, Fr. Jose Montero y Vidal says, “The place was sacked and burned, and many people were killed while others were taken as prisoners and many others were taken as prisoners.” Henceforth, if many were killed and taken as prisoners, for what other reasons the natives of Galas or Gompot would wish to stay behind in that ravaged settlement when they had lost everything [their valuables plundered; houses burned; crops destroyed; livestock carried; and loved ones either killed or taken as prisoners, and later to be sold in the slave markets in southern Mindanao, Sulu and Indonesia] because the place was plundered or sacked? Do you think they would still thought of residing in Galas, despite all these miseries, in addition to the menace of the Balatukan River that frequently overflowed from its banks, which gave them perennial headaches? Of course, there would be no option left, but to leave the place to forget painful experiences, and finally start anew in the present site of Balingasag.

            It is, therefore, very logical that the settlement was abandoned during the Moro raid or immediately after the bloody arm confrontation because normally non-combatants must evacuate, while the men or warriors had to defend the settlement whatever means they can.

Perhaps, the superiority in numbers and arms of their adversaries were basically the reasons why the natives were defeated. Their enemies were battle hardened veterans, while they were just plain farmers, fishermen, and generally peace loving people. Maybe, they never had any fortification or stockade to subdue enemy attacks, except for the small church of stone “tabique pampango,” which could have been their only place of refuge against attacks.  But, most certainly, it might have been the first dwelling unit that was likely torched before all other houses in the settlement were set on fire, and razed to the ground later.

If the great flood of 1790’s was the primary reason, it is the less substantial one. If it was in 1790’s or in 1810, the transfer is rather very late.

According, to one surviving witness, whom we consider as a primary source at the time when she was still living and was able to give testimony, she says “the transfer was in 1793.” On the other hand, another says “it was transferred in 1810” or twenty years later after the occurrence of the great flood.

           

Apparently, these schools of thoughts had only established ambiguity and confusion, and furthermore confirmed the hypothesis that indeed the flood was not the immediate cause why the place was abandoned for good. In the first place, had the flood been the primary reason of their departure, why it took three years yet to abandon the settlement in 1793 or for another twenty years later to complete the transfer, as said in one history book? 

Could it be not possible that when Galas or Gompot was plundered by the Moro raiders, the settlers immediately evacuated after its fall or even during the height of battle; and sought refuge to a safer place? Certainly, non-combatants would leave for a more secured place than stay, unless if they too were warriors, including children and the aged. But of course, in every battle, children, women, and the aged must be kept to safety, thus the evacuation was immediately carried on, and possibly to the present town site in poblacion in Balingasag. Why wait for the outcome of the battle when there is time yet to flee for safety.

So rightly, the women, children, and aged headed straight to the present Balingasag poblacion, which is more or less some 2 or 3 kilometers away, depending on what route they took. Regardless whose territory it is, it would not matter anymore even if ownership was rightfully established during those days; necessarily the evacuees had to take asylum.

Likely, it was unnecessary anymore for them to consult or had a bichara, or a tribal council of the elders to be convened to decide whether or not the evacuees shall be taken in as refugees. And if it were true that Datu Mamerto or any leader for that matter had already taken position or occupied the place (Gompot), no such thing would ever happen at times of an emergency or any relatively distressful situation like evacuations during Moro raids.

The story of the Moro raid in Gompot is true, Fr. Jose Montero y Vidal, Fr. Licinio Ruiz, and Fr. Felipe Redondo y Sendino had said; in fact they had written it.

What is ambiguous is the year when they abandoned the settlement, was it in 1793 or 1810?  If it occurred anytime during these years, it must be rather late. Could it not be possible that the transfer occurred during one historic instant in Balingasag, when many died defending the settlement, while many more were taken captives, who certainly would have to be sold later as slaves in the markets in Southern Mindanao, or even as far as Batavia, the old Indonesia?

Even if the flood had some significance, or importance to be taken as a reason for the transfer, it is rather a less substantial assertion though it may have aggravated the circumstances because it says, “it took another twenty years to complete the transfer.” Had it been the imminent reason, why it took that long to complete the transfer? Therefore, it is not as imminent compared with the havoc of the Moro Raid.

            On the other hand, why do families live near their relatives even in the present time? Of course, people wanted always to maintain closeness with their relatives, and for mutual protection, or to easily have someone to lean on in times of problems. In the olden times, the situation is more or less similar today. People prefer to live near their relatives because of similar necessity more so for protection.

But to say and imply that Balingasag was divided purposely between the two big clans, and a boundary was fixed between the clans along Calle Real perpendicularly to where the church and tribunal were located that extended widely from East to West, this is baseless, and could be deem as merely an egocentric assumption.

            It is an undeniable fact; these two big clans even intermarriaged, so why set boundaries? 

            If one would visit or take a closer look of Balingasag today, rightly one may observe the proper layout of the town. The Roman Catholic Church occupies the centermost part of the town, facing west and perpendicular through it, is a street named Faustino Vega Street, which traverses from West to East that divides the poblacion evenly. From the East where the Central School is located, this street traverses to the West, and dead-ended at today’s Municipal Gymnasium. The Municipal Gymnasium occupies the old market site, but during the colonial days, and before it was made into a market; it was the town’s tribunal. Calle Real or F. Vega St. indeed divided the town evenly too from North to South, since there are four streets each from the same point of reference. However, this of course excludes other present roads, which were laid out later for expansion purposes, such as those in the areas of Nabalian, Camarin, and along the Luguimit-Kitagtag River [or in today’s Poblacion Barangay 3, 6, 1 and 2 areas]. 

            In like manner, from East to West, there are eleven streets with Calle Real setting as the centermost road perpendicular and dead-ending directly to the church. Hence, the town’s residential areas are arranged generally in nearly even blocks.     

Despite, the Catholic Church does not precisely occupy the centermost part of the town, it is seemingly considered as the focal point of the town because its inhabitants are predominantly Roman Catholics. To its left, is today’s Town’s Hall and adjacent to it, is St. Rita’s College of Balingasag [formerly a parochial school], which is located on the farther right side of the church. In between the town hall and the college, is a wide open space; it was formerly the town’s plaza, but today owned by the Congregation of the Religious of the Blessed Virgin Mary.[61] The area south of the Roman Catholic Church or across the present Rizal Street was previously owned by the Parish.

The two big open spaces, one owned by the municipio and the other by the church; were swapped. So, fronting now the Municipal Building is the plaza of the school, and it is no longer owned by the muncipio, but the plaza adjacent to it laying to the east, or south of the church.

From the above picture, would it be safe, nice, and right to say that the design or layout of Balingasag town is exclusively for Balingasag alone? Or had it been meant from the early start during the Spanish time that the town’s design or lay out was made this way to give more or less a distinctive privilege for the two big clans over other clans, as said in early local history books? If the poblacion is evenly laid-out, well that is good, but it is not fair to admit it that it was purposely design to give a special area for the two big clans because such design is not distinct for Balingasag alone.

            In Spanish Philippines, colonial towns were desiged this way and Fr. Jose S. Arcilla, S.J. says:

Colonial law ordered that resettlements or villages be built around a rectangular plaza, whose four corners correspond to the four cardinal directions. On one side rose the church, on the opposite side the tribunal or government hall, on the third a school, and the fourth side was reserved for the residences of the more prominent families. Streets were drawn a cordel y a regal or straight and properly measured from the four corners and sides of the plaza, with provision to extend them as needed. This town map is still recognizable in many Philippine towns today.[62]

            Whether the division of the town for the two big clans is true or not, what is certain is that not all lands from Calle Real and going to the north up to Mandangoa, nor those properties up to Baliwagan from similar point belong to the Valmores’ or Madronos’, respectively; in fairness to other big clans, which since time immemorial inhabited Gompot, as well.

A Probe on Consistency of the Alleged Year of Transfer Relating to Timeline:

As summarized earlier, we understood the alleged exodus of the natives from Galas to Gompot was led by Datu Antonio Ramon of Galas, and the existing occupants of the place called Gompot was Datu Mamerto Manuel, of course, with his tribe.

            We will assume the transfer happened in 1793. However, let us study first the genealogy of the Valmores Clan based from the person, who accordingly first adopted such Last Name – Mamerto Manuel Valmores in pursuance to a decree “Renovacion de Apelledos” issued by the colonial government during the time of Governor General Narciso Claveria (1843-1849). This we must do to at least establish a closer guess on the year of transfer, and solidify the accepted traditional theory that it was indeed in 1793.

            With this also, let us turn to a slight deviation of our study to the Moreno Clan, the later has an important role in our probe.

           

Accordingly, Mamerto Manuel was the first to adopt the surname of Valmores. He was the third line of generation, a grandson of Datu Mateo and Bae' Tomasa. Mamerto Manuel’s parents were Manuel Mateo and Rita Tomasa.

            His first wife was Maria Concepcion Madrono, they begot the following children: Nicolas Anuario (married Maria Agustina); Cerapio; Maria Praxedes (married Francisco Roa); Felecio; Bornea; Manuel (married Martina Zaballero); and Tomas.

His second wife was Francisca Maria Roa and they begot three children, namely: Nicolas; Luisa Juana born in 1835 and married Tomas Cabunoc; and Perfecto born in 1840.[63]

The son of Mamerto Valmores and Maria Concepcion Madrono named Felecio Madroño Valmores married Juanita Roa (First Wife), where they begot five (5) children, four were female namely: Ignacia (married to Alfonso Macapundag); Apolonia (Jose Galdo); Marta (Victorio Vallejos); Benita (Maximiano Fernandez); and one male named Eleno married Josefa Catarong.[64]

            Felecio Madroño Valmores married again and his second wife was Patricia Leonisa or Leoncia Moreno. She was born on April 18, 1831 in Balingasag. Leoncia’s parents were Feleciano Moreno and Maria de Pacis Madrono, the former was born in November 1810.[65]

           

Patricia Leonisa or Leoncia Moreno’s brothers and sisters were Cerilo Gregorio (born February 4, 1834 and baptized February 21, 1834 Parroquia de Sta. Rita); Seriya Catalina or Sergia (born Oct. 18, 1835, baptized on Dec. 5, 1835-Sta. Rita and married Faustino Vega); Camilo del Rosario (born July 1, 1837); Romana Ysabel (born March 23, 1840); Duarda de Pacis (born March 14, 1842 and baptized April 3, 1842); Serarfina Jose or “Josefa” (born Aug. 27, 1843 and married Glicerio Vega); Pedro Eleuterio or Emeterio (born April 18, 1845, baptized April 28, 1845-Sta. Rita and married Nieves Gonzales); Juana Ysidora (born June 12, 1847); Martina Florencia (born Feb. 4, 1849); and Blas who was married to Carmen Morales (birth year not provided, maybe born in 1838 or 1839, or after Martina Florencia’s birth.)[66]    

Their grandparents were Eusebio Serarfino Moreno and Ysabel Juana Maria, the first generation of the Moreno in Balingasag.[67] [In recorded times.]

           

Felecio Madroño. Valmores and his second wife Patricia Leonisa, or Leoniza or Leoncia Moreno begot the following children:

Claros (married a Botardo as first wife and Luisa Gallardo, his second wife); Feliciano; Celedonio; and Leon “Capitan Leon” (married Demetria Zagado Gallardo).[68]

            Celedonio Moreno Valmores [born in 1845 died in 1922] married Dominga Racines Babiera[69] from Cagayan de Misamis. They had thirteen children, namely:

 Juanito (married first wife was Concepcion Velez, and Maria Martinez, his second); Maria Martinez); Jose or “Onte” (Marta Echeveria); Manuel (Conchita Aparris); Pacita (Celso Militante); Vicenta (1st husband Claudio Puertas 2nd husband Teodorico Abonitalla); Maria (mother of Briccio Valmores, the undersigned’s father); Roque (Matilde Bete); Antonio (1st wife Remedios Fernandez, 2nd wife Encarna Serina); and the youngest, Trinidad (Wadhumal Dharamdas). Their unmarried siblings are namely: Rita, Consolacion, Enriqueta, and Gerardo.[70]

            In short, my great, great grandfather Celedonio was the grandson of the Mamerto Manuel Valmores.  His parents were Felecio Madroño Valmores and Patricia Leonisa or Leoncia Moreno, whose parents were Mamerto Manuel and Maria Concepcion.

            With due respects to the Celedonio Moreno Valmores’ Clan, the undersigned would like to use his memory as the point of reference to determine the probable date of transfer and to check the validity of the accepted tradition regarding as the founding fathers of Balingasag.

In his tomb, an epitaph reads:

“Family Remembrance

CELEDONIO M. VALMORES

Born: 05-19-1845 Died: 02-20-1922”

           

If my great grandfather Celedonio died in 1922, he was 77 years old at the time of his death. So, how old was his father [Felecio] when Celedonio was born? [It can be recalled that Felecio was born from the first marriage of Mamerto Manuel with Maria Concepcion Madrono.] Could it be possible that Felecio was already 30 or 50 years old when his son Celedonio was born?

            We do not know exactly when Felecio was born; there is no available record on hand, unlike his second wife Patricia Leonisa Moreno or Leoncia, whom we know to have been born on 18 April 1831.

Since, we do not know when Felecio was born; let us just assume that probably Felecio was 30 years old when Celedonio was born. So, it would run something like this way:

a)       At Thirty (30) Year Age Interval between Father and Son (between Felecio and Celedonio):

If Celedonio was born in 1845, then his father – Felecio would have been born in 1815 (1845 less 30). Felecio’s father Datu Mamerto Manuel Valmores would have been born in 1785.

With another 30 year interval, Manuel Mateo, the father of Mamerto Manuel would have born in 1755.  Manuel Mateo’s father Datu Mateo would have been born in 1725.

Celedonio’s mother, Patricia Leonisa or Leoncia Moreno, therefore, at the time she delivered her son was only 14 years old having been born in 1831(?). The assumed age gap between Felecio and Leoncia was more or less sixteen (16) years, assuming only. [Probably, Leoncia was born earlier than 1831 because Celedonio was her third son.]

Is there any significance of the 30 Year Age Internal assumptions in relation with the alleged transfer of Galas or Gompot to the present town site in 1793?

Based from the assumed interval, Mamerto Manuel was supposedly to have been born in 1785; therefore, he was only 8 years old when the alleged transfer was made.

Without question, Mamerto Manuel had successional right being the only male heir of his parents Datu Manuel Mateo and Bae’ Rita. However, such inherent authority or privilege can not be bestowed upon him for one simple reason, a grave impediment existed – his age, unless of course, he again was another King Tutankhamen, the Boy King of Egypt.

What if a longer interval shall be used at 50 years, would it give us another result, for seemingly the 30 Year Internal is a closer one between the age of Father and his Son?

b)      At 50 Year Age Interval, Felecio would have been born in 1795; his father Mamerto Manuel Valmores’ assumed birth would have been in 1745, while Mamerto’s father - Manuel Mateo would have been born in 1695. Datu Mateo, Manuel Mateo’s father would have been born supposedly born in 1645.

A question arises, at the 50 Year Internal, can Mamerto Manuel be capable of emerging as the rightful and consistent, or just another fictitious leader during the transfer? With the 50 Year Interval, there is still a doubt if Mamerto Manuel indeed was the leader. However, if a simple subtraction and addition of intervals shall be the basis, it seems that he emerges as the leader during the alleged transfer because he was already 48 years old in 1793 [supposedly born in 1745, so 48 years old].

But there exists one iota of doubt as it would be one of the inconsistencies of time, since he was married again to Francisca Maria Roa, and they begot three more children in addition to his first marriage. He had in the second marriage, Nicolas, Luisa Juana, and Perfecto.

So what if Mamerto Manuel married the second time around? Is there any complication or implication?  Definitely, there is a complication, which may result and bring us to inconsistencies.

Would it be not too ridiculous or illogical for Mamerto Manuel to contract another marriage, and further begot children at age 90 and 95 years old?  Indeed, he had children who were born in 1834 and 1840 [Luisa Juana and Perfecto]. These are facts and not merely assumptions, because the Baptismal Records of his children are still available in the archives of the Parish of Immaculate Conception in Jasaan, Misamis Oriental.[71]

           

Apparently, at the 30 Year Time Interval neither Mamerto Manuel Valmores, nor his cousin, Antonio Ramon Madroño would emerge as the rightful leaders if the transfer happened in 1793, for reasons of impediment in age. It would have been Manuel Mateo [father of Mamerto Manuel] or Mamerto Manuel’s grandfather. They were 38 and 68 years old already, respectively. [Assumption: Manuel Mateo 1755 and Datu Mateo 1725, so 1793 less 1755 is 38 and so on.]

            But in the 50 Year Time Interval if the transfer was in 1793, Datu Manuel Mateo will emerge as leader that is if he is still alive at age 98 years old. [Assumption: born in 1695] 

            Assuming that Datu Manuel Mateo, the second generation of Valmores per Local History was already dead at 98 years in 1793, therefore, we consider that another leader had emerged whom we do not know. However certainly he may have rose from among the many families from the settlement, and not necessarily from the direct line of Datu Manuel Mateo or his father Datu Mateo.

            Not only in old colonial Philippines, but the world at rem, as well knew that “datuship” or lordship is not only obtained by virtue of hereditary or successional rights, rather it is likewise attained through bravery, and competence in the battlefields. Proving one’s capability as a worthy military commander and a versatile administrator in internal affairs are true trademarks of a leader more so in a tribal society yet to transcend into a more civilized unit. Such personality is not only exclusive to the prominent families; we guess any family in the Gompot settlement has it.[72] So why limit our perception when there are avenues that perhaps other personality emerged as the leader of the transfer to the present town site?

Perhaps, a Time Line may help us draw nearer alternatives to formulate a conclusion when probably the date of transfer took place, and who were the leaders, than merely relay on copyrights.

           

To this end, a Time Line is presented for us to study, and reflect.

It is up for one to make his conclusion, and not to be influenced of the presentation. The Time Line is prepared for us to ponder.

[Please refer to Time Line in Appendix 1 and 2.]

An Attempt to Conclude the Probable Date of Transfer:

            From the Time Line table, we could perhaps determine now at least a closer guess on the probable year of transfer and the supposed leaders.

At Thirty Year Time Interval:

           

            Should the transfer be placed in 1793 at the 30 Year Age Interval, the alleged leader, or leaders would have been only 8 years old. His father [Manuel Mateo] was 38, while Datu Mateo was 68 years old either. The leadership is between Manuel Mateo and Mateo, is it not?

On the other hand, at similar time [30 Yr.] interval, if the transfer happened in 1749, neither Mamerto Manuel nor his father, Manuel Mateo were the leaders. The former was unborn yet, while the latter was only 6 years old. And if Mateo [Mamerto Manuel’s grandfather or Manuel Mateo’s father] existed in time, he was only 24 at the time of transfer in 1749.

Aside from Datu Mateo, a more mature leader at age 54 could have also led the transfer, but unfortunately we could not give him a name; written local history has not anticipated such probabilities.

At Fifty Year Time Interval:

           

            But if a conclusion would favor 1793 as the year of transfer at this Time Interval, Mamerto Manuel emerged as the able leader at 48 years old. His father, Manuel Mateo could be too old to lead at 98 years old being assumingly born in 1695.

            Nevertheless, there would be inconsistencies if Mamerto Manuel was the leader in 1793, despite he was 48 years old. As can be recalled, he married his second wife, Francisca Maria Roa, and they begot 3 more children. One daughter was born in 1835 and his only son of the second marriage was born in 1840. Would it not be a laughing stuff if we admit that he married sometime in 1830’s and begot children in 1835 and 1840 at age 90 and 95 years old? The transfer, therefore, may have not happened in 1793, because this inconsistency is much too glaring not to be noticed if given a deeper thought.

  

            We knew that Mamerto married twice, and the baptismal certificates in Jasaan disclosed that his two children were born in 1835 and 1840. If ever it were true that the transfer was in 1793, and he was the leader, it was one of awesome stories of Gompot in 1835 or 1840. He was too productive.

            Unless the baptismal records of Jasaan could be wrong, and the teaching of Padre Esko or who ever he was in black robe; consented bigamy, perhaps Mamerto could surface as the leader in 1793, with two mistresses in one moment in time. But, of course, common sense tells us that it is not what the Christian teaching told us even before our time.  

What About in 1749 at 50 Year Interval:  

If one’s conclusion would finally come and set it in 1749, the probable date of transfer; or during the Moro raid or following immediately thereafter, or even much earlier than 1749; the leader could certainly not be Mamerto Manuel. He was only 4 years old [assumed to have been born in 1745].

Likely, it was Manuel Mateo [Mamerto Manuel’s father] who acted as the leader at age 54 being assumed to have been born in 1695.         

Ancient Gompot or Gonpot:

What have been presented in the Time Line table are all assumptions, and therefore unwarranted to give absolute answers. It is just another conjecture or maybe a guide, so one could have a better and independent conclusion, since the assumptions are supported by logic, and known accepted references are likewise conferred with.

Personalities involved and events in local history were meticulously studied; and for one, the old theory or established story about the alleged transfer has neither been rejected nor accepted. Nonetheless, another perspective has just been presented based on analysis and likely probabilities.

What can be viewed as not mythical, or not based merely on assumption, is the decent fact that the ancient settlement of Gompot or Gonpot existed already long before and had been known by the Spaniards or by Adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, the General and Head of the Expedition that landed in 1565; as early as 1571.

From a source book, written by Blair & Robertson, The Philippine Islands, Volume 34, pp. 304-310, a translation from the Spanish text by James Alexander Robertson, a portion of the original document, which Fr. Pablo Pastells, S.J. had that was given to him while he was writing his edition of Colin’s Labor evangelica,  it says:

“. . . In the island of Mindanao, the chief river Vindanao, the point of Cauit, the port of Caldera, the village of Zamboanga and all the villages and coast where cinnamon is grown, were assigned by the Adelantado to his Majesty on January 16, 1571. On January 25, he assigned to Juan Griego the natives of the villages of Cagayan, Gonpot, and Tagoloán (?), with their tingües and hills[73]…”

[When Legaspi died later in 1571, Francisco de Sande succeeded him. His successor ruled that encomiendas granted in areas where the places are not pacified yet, the same are considered as null and void, or meaning such would  have no have effects whatsoever, as the case maybe.]  

[In the case of Gonpot, surely, it was not pacified or evangelized yet during Legaspi or Sande’s time. The evangelization maybe of Gonpot could be set more or less only when the Recollects had permanently established the missions in Cagayan. That is of course, in the 1620’s. So if ever, there was a decree again granting Gonpot as an encomienda to a grantee, such would have been made later only when the Recollects had evangelized the place.]

[Legaspi’s familiarity of Cagayan, Tagoloan and Gonpot could be attributed to the fact that latter after he had established in Cebu, a group of Spaniards sailed on a light vessel to Butuan to retrace the voyage of Elcano. These explorers were knowledgeable that those settlements were thriving communities, thus, maybe the reason why the encomienda comprising the areas from Cagayan to Gonpot was granted to Griego.]

           

The above paragraph may finally explain that a place called Gonpot or Gompot not Galas was already known to the Spaniards in 1571 yet.

Undoubtedly, Gompot was a populous and thriving indigenous community like Cagayan [Cagayan de Oro] and Tagoloan; otherwise, it would have been not delineated or disposed as an encomienda by Legaspi to Juan Griego on January 25, 1571.

Why encomiendas were granted; its design was primarily to assist the colonial government of its role to spread Christianity per the mandate of the Patronata Real. But generally encomiendas were also tools for effective collection of tributes.

Moreover, maybe the name Galas evolved only afterwards, when the place Gonpot or Gompot was abandoned by the settlers in a specific time in the local history of Balingasag, which the undersigned wishes to open academically.

It might have been transferred not necessarily in 1793 or 1810, but at a certain point in time from 1749 to 1761, when Moro Raids had reached its height, and Gonpot or Gompot was among those plundered. Or maybe, the transfer happened even much earlier, and who knows?

But to say or even assume that the transfer happened in 1793 or 1810, well, the event was rather too late, and occurred in a much recent time already. If the transfer had taken place on those years, the persons whom we believed as the supposed leaders, maybe, were not the ones leading during the transfer because they were young yet; in fact they were still boys as illustrated in the Time Line. And if we insist that they were the ones, there would be inconsistencies, which could discredit such an assertion or assumption. Such could be proven or explained by a simple Time Line.

Those we assumed as the leaders during the alleged transfer may have occupied primer positions in governance, in modern times or in their own times, or in the mid-19^th century, but there are no guarantees that they were indeed the persons who led the exodus.

Undeniably, in our recent times, written records, or oral traditions may tell that they certainly once occupied positions of great influence and authority; be it in a tribal society or otherwise in mid early 19^th century. But, probabilities cannot be discounted that ahead of them, there were people too, who were credible and sharp like them, as well, who may have held similar positions in governance; and that of course, we do not know them because they too were parts of Balingasag’s unrecorded past.

It is rather but fair not to assert who the supposed leaders were, since we are not sure if they indeed were the leaders, as it may prejudice other capable unknown warriors and leaders not belonging to the distinct clans during those times.

In another aspect, the church’s ruins of tabique-pampango on few slabs and more on stones and pebbles are still visible today in Gompot area. From this site, comes the reminiscence and it is a testimony of Balingasag’s rich Christian Heritage. That once stood a small church and a community of indigenous people congregated thereat; tribal in ways and views, were however adherents to Christianity out from the devout zeal of early missionaries.

Consequential to circumstances beyond their control, whether attributed as an act of God, or otherwise, such as happening in raids by the perils of the seas, a settlement was inevitably abandoned for good.

 As in the past, the great waterways of the Musi-musi River today, still clutches in the waters of Bugang and Camuayan, and as the Balatukan River, which emanates from the far away Baligwagan Mountains sneaks through the Lantad Valley, the Aloyan River feeds it, dosing an extra mileage on its downward roll to the flatlands of Ara-ay in Lower Kibanban, where the Sumolao River from the Pinabat-ao or Bayotao Mountains fed too its waters; and finally the Dodiongan River that has similar name with the mountains where its waters came from, reinforces the strength of the Balatukan on those flatlands. All these voluminous resources are channeled to the alluvial plains of Balingasag; however, those that turn left or southwest before reaching Punta Liyang, somewhere in the hinters of Barangay Napaliran; would head to its final journey towards the sea passing through the confluence at the Manuyog River in Barangay Baliwagan.[74]

This great old waterway consolidates all the floodwaters of the mighty Balatukan Mountain Range at the sandy confluence of the Manuyog River. Today, there are no abodes, except for some “payag” or “bahay kubo”, which are used as temporary shelter and storage of work equipment or provisions needed by farmers in the work field. To live here or near from its vicinities is still not safe even if the raging Balatukan River has other direct short cut course to the sea via Napaliran-Mandangoa and Mambayaan natural floodwater ways.

Personally, therefore, it is viewed that the flooding is an inherent or natural cause why the transfer of the settlement was necessary. However, the Moro Raid was an intervening and aggravating factor that happened even before the intended transfer would have taken place. The raid was the worst thing that ever happened in the settlement more perilous than the flood. So, it had hastened the transfer to take earlier than what has been established as a thesis in some history works that it took place in 1793 and completed in 1810 because of the flood.

The vulnerability of the settlement from raid and plunder prompted them to leave the place rather than the menace of the flood brought forth by the overflowing of the Balatukan.

00

---

NOTES

[1] Literature taken from Dr. Antonio Morgas’ History of the Philippine Islands, Vol. 1 & 2, ebook, and from Fr. Miguel A. Bernad, S.J., The Great Island: Study on the Exploration and Evangelization of Mindanao, ADMU Press 2004.

[2] Other Spanish expeditions to the Philippines, after Magellan’s discovery were made by Juan Garcia Jofre de Loiaisa in 1526; Alvarez Saavedra in 1528; and 15 years later, the Villalobos Expedition. __ F. de Navarrete, Colecion de los viajes y descubrimientos que hicieron por mar los españoles desde fines del siglo XV, vols. I-V, Buenos Aires, 1946. [Fr. Rolando V. de la Rosa, O.P. History of the Filipinization of the Religious Orders in the Philippines, p. 103].

[3] Native of Zubarraja (Zumárraga), Guipúzcoa, born in early part of sixteenth century; goes to Mexico in 1545, where he becomes clerk of the cabildo; appointed in 1561 to lead expedition to discover western islands; lands at Cebu April 27, 1565: begins fort and takes possession of Cebu and neighboring islands for Spain, May 8, 1565; takes possession of Manila, May 19, 1571; erects city of Manila, June 3, 1571, and appoints regidors, etc., June 24, 1571; death, August 20, 1572; term as governor February 13 (date of first anchorage near Cebu)-August 20, 1572; also adelantado or governor of the Ladrones. See Blair & Robertson, the Philippine Islands, Vol. XVII.

[4] Fr. Jose S. Arcilla, S.J. Re-evaluating Spain’s Philippine Colonial Policy, ebook.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Fr. Andres de Urdaneta [1498-578] before entering the Augustinian in 1542, was formerly a soldier and navigator. He was one of the crews of the ill-fated Kiausa Expedition [1526] to the Philippines; henceforth, for he was in the East for more than 10 years, but returned to Spain in 1536. Supposedly, he would have led the expedition of 1565, but he declined and nominated instead Miguel Lopez de Legazpi. Nevertheless, he accompanied the expedition and indeed was responsible in the navigation being a skillful navigator, and veteran of the Loaisa Expedition. __ See F. de Uncilla, Urdaneta y la conquista de Filipinas, San Sebastian, 1907; B. Martinez, Apuntes historicos de la provincial agustiniana, Madrid, 909, pp. 20-24. [Fr. R. V. de la Rosa, History of the Filipinization of Religious Orders in the Philippines, p. 104.]

[7] Blair & Robertson. The Philippine Islands, volume 2, pp. 174-182; volume 34, pp. 195-213.

[8]   Ibid.

[9] Fr. Rolando de la Rosa, O.P., History of the Filipinization of Religious Orders in the Philippines “Beginnings of the Filipino Domicans, p. 59.

[10] Ibid.,  p. 62.

[11]  Fr. John Schumacker, Readings in Philippine Church History.

[12] The “westward route” [from the Philippines to Malaca to the Indian Ocean, Africa, etc.] used by Sebastian Elcano on his return voyage to Spain is a Portuguese dominated route.

[13] A church, school and the like would be eventually there, and this model earlier happened in the Spanish colonization of Mexico when there was steady flow of missionaries like the arrival of twelve Franciscans in 1524, twelve Dominicans in 1526 and Augustinians in 1533  See Fr. Stephen B. Bevans, SVD & Fr. Roger P. Schroeder, SVD. Constants in Context: A Theology of Mission for Today, Orbis Books, New York, 2004 p. 30.

[14] Ibid.

[15] See Note 51 below.

[16] Sandra T. Keating, What Catholics Should Know About Islam, p.30.

[17] Macassar is located in the southern ends of the Celebes Island. Near to it, to the west is the huge island of Borneo separated by the Strait of Macassar, and to its southeast is he island of Flores the only place in Indonesia, which is predominantly Catholics. Annotation mine. [See map of Indonesia]

[18] Fr. Jose S. Arcilla, S.J. Re-evaluating Spain’s Philippine Colonial Policy, ebook.

[19]  Ibid. [In line with the Patronata Real, it justifies Spain’s exercise of colonial rule worldwide, including the Philippines because primarily it as intended to spread the Gospels.]

[20] Fr. Stephen B. Bevans, SVD & Fr. Roger P. Schroeder, SVD. Constants I Context: A Theology of Mission for Today.

[21] This missionary approach was first used by St. Francis Xavier while he was in southeast India in the Paravas area in what is today Tamil Nadu, preaching the pearl fisher folks shortly after his assignment in Goa, India sometime in 1541. Ibid, 6:185.

[22]  Fr. Miguel A. Bernad, S.J. The Great Island, Chap. 2 Note 3:57. See Fr. Horacio de la Costa, the Jesuit in the Philippines.

[23] Fr. Pedro Gutierrez, S.J. was born in Michocoan, Mexico on 24 April 1593, entered the Jesuits oon 14 May 1611, and came to the Philippines in 1622. He died in Iligan on 25 July 1651. See Horacio de la Costa, S.J., Jesuits in Philippines (Harvard University Press, 1967), 319 and passim. [Annotation made by Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters, Vol. 4:161].

[24] Fr. Pablo Acuña, S.J. was born in Funchai, Madeira in 1573, entered the Society of Jesus in Mexico in 1596, and arrived in the Philippines in 1600. He died in Manila on 3 March 1643. See Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao, Vol. 4:183 Note 5.

[25]  Fr. Jose A. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao: the Dapitan-Balingasag Mission, Vol.4, p. 20. See Fr. Horacio de la Costa, S.J. Jesuits in the Philippines, 1581-1768 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961)

[26] The Jesuit Butuan Mission was re-established in 1611, however by 1614, it was closed and  turn-over again to another group of missionaries for lack of manpower. See Fr. Horacio de la Costa, S.J. Jesuits in the Philippines, pp. 154i-165-166,  171 and 319.

[27]  Fr. Juan de Medina, O.S.A., Historia de la Orden de San Agustin de Islas Filipinas [Manila: 1893; Written in 1663], also found in Blair and Robertson XXIV, pp. 175-177.  See also Fr. Luis de Jesus, OSA, op. cit. Blair & Robertson XXXV pp. 66-81.

[28] Limpieza de Sangre evolved in Spain; in 1391 or even earlier than this time, the Jews residing all over the Spanish Peninsula were persecuted; and thousand opted to choose Christianity rather than die, as they were made to choose whether to live as Christians or die as Mosaic believers. Many were converted, however their conversions were only by convenience, to evade the civil sanctions against Jews. These converted Jews were later on called by the Spaniards as “conversos” or “Cristianos nuevo” while the “old Christians” the Spaniards, were known as “Cristianos viejos”. Thus, the Spanish society began to be divided into two, the old Christian nobility, who are inherently associated with virtues of honor; and the “Cristianos nuevos or conversos”, who are not descendants from the Spanish nobility or non-Spanish by birth, whose ascendants were responsible or had sinned against Christianity by persecuting Jesus Christ. This early idea of racism had unfortunately led to the concept or idea that the “honor of one’s faith and nation could be preserved by ensuring the purity of lineage from contamination”. In this line of thought, the Limpieza de sangre mystique was born. Henceforth, by an established and accepted statute, Jews, Moors, heretics, and those convicted during the Inquisition, were automatically excluded from the ecclesiastical benefices, or meaning they are disqualified to become priests. That is what was happening in Spain, and it crossed across the ocean to the newly discovered territory in Mexico; and the concept reached the Philippines. The cleansing process took more than two centuries, as it was only in the 19^th century where Indios and mestizos were admitted to priesthood in the Philippines. [There are however some exceptional cases wherein Chinese mestizos [Francisco Mariano de los Santos and Dionisio Vicenge de los Reyes] were admitted to priesthood upon graduation at UST in the closing years of the 18^th century. They were later on ordained priests because of the intercession of the Bishop of Nueva Caceres, Domingo Collantes. He wrote to King Charles IV on June 20, 1794, the King answered it affirmatively by saying “… I [the King] have agreed to charge your Reverence, as I now charge you, to bestow the habit to capable natives who request it and whom you find endowed with the indispensable requirements for it, so that the lack of workers may not be as great as it is now being felt, and it may be less costly to His Majesty to send the needed reinforcements for the disabled, those who return, or those who die.”] __ For further readings, see Fr. Rolando V. de la Rosa, O.P. History of the Filipinization of the Religious Orders in the Philippines, “Beginnings of the Filipino Dominicans, UST Publishing House, Manila, 2007, pp. 82-103.

[29]  Fr. Fabricio Serzales [Sarsali], S.J. was born in Naples, Italy on 2 April 1568. He entered the Society of Jesus on 10 December 1586, became a teacher in grammar, and went to the Philippines in June 1600. He was the Superior of Carigara; and his death occurred at Manila on 30 June 1644. (Emma Blair & James Alexander Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898: Explorations by Early Navigators, Vol. XXII p. 149 ebook Project Gutenburg. See Sommervogel’s Bibliotheque.

[30] Schreurs, Caraga Antigua, 112-113. The Jesuit who finally pacified the natives and brought them back to live in villages was Fr. Fabricio Sarsali.

[31] Blair and Robertson, XXI, pp. 215-216.

[32] Fr. Luis de Jesus, OAR, Historia General de los Religioso Desca0lzos del Orden Hermitaños del Grand Padre y Doctor de la Iglesia San Agustin de la Congregacion de España y de los Indias; Vol. II (Madrid, Lucas Antonio de Bedmar, 1681 reproduced in Blair and Robertson, XXXI, pp. 197, 213-225.

[33] Probably this town also lies along the river delta, and could it be that this town is the present municipality of Talacogon. ___ See Fr. JS Arcilla, SJ, Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao, Vol. IV: Dapitan-Balingasag Mission, or literature in Chapter 4 of this volume.

[34] Luis de Jesus; narrated in Historia General II and likewise in Blair and Robertson XXI, pp. 231-233

[35] P.Licinio Ruiz, Sinoposis Historica de la Provincia de S. Nicolas de Tolentino de las Islas Filipinas, de la Orden de los Agustinos Recollectos, p.169.

[36] Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters, Vol. IV: Note 6, p. 183.

[37] From the unpublished works of Fr. Rodolfo F. Cabonce, S.J. Brief History of the Archdiocese of Cagayan de Oro, edited and published by Fr. Francisco Demetrio, S.J. Historical Glimpses of Northern Mindanao, p. 429. See Felipe Redondo y Sendino, Breve Reseño de la Diocesis de Cebu, 1886. p. 236-237.

[38] Project Gutenburg, The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Relaccion.

[39] Luis de Jesus’ accounts about Padre San Pedro __ op. cit., Blair and Robertson, XXXI, pp. 235-236 and in Vol. XXXV pp. 59-61; and 94-97.

Diego de Santa Theresa, Historia General de la Congregacion de España y de la Indias (Vol. III, Barcelona: 1743), pp. 611-618.

[40] Ibid.

[41] Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters, Vol. IV: Dapitan-Balingasag Mission.

[42] Fr. Rodolfo F. Cabonce, S.J., Brief History of the Archdiocese, ed. Fr. Francisco Demetrio, SJ, Historical Glimpses of Northern Mindanao, p. 492. See Padre Licinio Ruiz, Sinopsis pp.189-190.

[43] Ibid., pp.434-435. See P. Licinio Ruiza, Sinopsis, 315. From the museum at Xavier University, the statue of our Lady of the Rosary was transferred to San Agustin Metropolitan Cathedral lately where every 7^th day of October, the Roman Catholic Church honors her in a Holy Mass and followed by a procession. (Annotation mine.)

[44] Ibid.

[45] Fr.J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters, Vol.4:222.

[46] Ibid.

[47] Fr. Francisco Demetrio, Historical Glimpses of Northern Mindanao, edited Fr. Rodolfo Cabonce’s, S.J., unpublished work, Brief History of the Archdiocese of Cagayan de Oro, p. 492.

[48] G.F. Vega, Historical Glimpses of Balingasag, Rapid Lithographicso & Publishing, Inc., Quezon City 1999, p.492.

[49] Padre Felipe Redondo y Sendino, Breve Reseña de lo que fue y de lo que es la Diocesis de Cebu en las Islas Filipinas, Manila, 1886. See Fr. Francisco Demetrio, S.J. Glimpses of Northern Mindanao, pp. 431-432 (an extract of Fr. RP Cabonce, S.J. unpublished works.)

[50] Fr. M.A. Bernad, S.J., The Great Island, 4:132.

[51]St. Francis Xavier is known as the  
Apostle of the Indies and Japan. He was born on 7 April 1506 in Navarre, at a Castle of Xavier near Sanguesa. In 1534, together with Society of Jesus founder, St. Ignatius Loyola, and Pierre Favre, with other 4 young men, Lainez, Salmeron, Rodriguez, and Bobadilla, they established the Society of Jesus on their famous vow of Montmarte on August 15, 1534. 
Later on, he was commissioned by King John III of Portugal to evangelize the East Indies, so he left Lisbon for India in 1541; and reached Goa [now an autonomous region of India in the Western part] in May 1542. For a span of short ten years, St. Francis had gone to Ceylon, Malacca, or most part of the East Indies, and Japan in 1549 reaching first at Kagoshima, where he diligently studied to learn the language. He likewise translated some books, which were ardently useful to his evangelical works; and evaluating himself as proficient to the language, hoe left Kagoshima for the city of Meaco in 1550. Many were converted to Christianity in leading Japanese cities; the mission expanded and he had trained men to spread the gospels. By 1552, he left Japan for Goa in India. From there, he dreamed of preaching in China; nevertheless, he died in an attempt to go to China on December 1552 in the island of Sancian, off the coast of mainland China. __ See Butler’s Lives of the Saints, Nicene, and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Church, and L’Osservatore Romano. Likewise, information derived from the Catholic Encyclopedia.

[52] Mixture of lime and cement.

[53] In 1843, a decree was issued “Renovacion de Appellados”during the time of Governor General Narciso Claveria, ordering those without surnames to adopt one. Aside from establishing clearer identity of persons or families, it was made basically for taxation purposes.

[54] MJ Valmores, LC Diestro & DV Dongallo, History of Balingasag, p.26.

[55] GF Vega, Historical Glimpses, p. 18.

[56] Ibid.

[57] MJ Valmores, LC Diestro & DV Dongallo, History of Balingasag. p. 26.

[58] For further reference, see Padre L. Ruiz, Sinopsis.

[59] Fr. Jose Montero y Vidal, S.J. works was printed in two volumes in Madrid in 1888. Pertinent literatures are in Volume I, Chapters 17-20.

[60] Ibid.

[61] Formerly known as Beatas de la Compania de Jesus. Founded by Mother Ignacia del Espiritu Santo [1663-1748].

[62] Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao. Dapitan-Balingasag Mission, IV: 288.

[63] From the Genealogy Research Paper of Fr. Roniedon P. Valmoria, SSJV. Years of births were taken from the baptismal records at the Immaculate Concepion Parish, Jasaan, Misamis Oriental. Fr. Valmoria formerly was the Parish Priest of San Andres [Bobontuan, a prosperous parish nearby the town of Jasaan]. Annotation mine.

[64] MJ Valmores, LC Diestro & DV Dongallo, History of Balingasag, pp. 31-32.

[65] Fr. RP Valmoria, SSJV, Genealogy Research Paper.

[66] Ibid.

[67] Ibid.

[68] MJ Valmores, LC Diestro & DV Dongallo, History of Balingasag, p. 6.

[69] Ascendants Roque Babiera and Ramona Racines; and siblings were Dominga Racines Babiera married CeledonioValmores; Maria R. Babiera married Estanislao Bollozos; Rosario married Jose Gallopin; Dolores married Filomeno Velez; Bernardo married Inday Roa; Juancho married Tiang Cosin; Felicidad married Filomeno Fernandez; and an unmarried sister named Isabel Racines Babiera. __ From the genealogy research paper of Wadhumal Jr. Valmores Dharamdas of Cagayan de Oro City. [From this genealogical presentation, clearly it is fact that the Officer of the First Company of the Mindanao Division, Vicente Racines Roa, who resisted the Americans in the Battle of Agusan on May 14, 1900 Battle of Agusan, is a relative by consanguinity of Domingo Racines Babiera, who married Celedonio Moreno Valmores of Balingasag.] 

[70] Ibid. [Maria begot her natural child named Briccio who married Perpetua Cabeguin Romualdo of Mambajao, Camiguin.]

[71] From the research papers of Fr. Roniedon P. Valmoria, SSJV, former Parish Priest of San Andres Church, Bobontugan, Jasaan, Misamis Oriental. Such paper is yet to be published.

[72] In tribal Mindanao, there was the so called “Code of the Bagani”, which classifies or recognizes three ranks of warriors: the lowest, with the privilege of wearing a red turban, was one who killed up to 10; the second, with red turban and a shirt, who had killed 11 to 20 victims; and the highest rank is privileged to wear red decorations all over his body and arms, one who had killed more than 20 persons. See Fr. Jose S. Arcilla, S.J. “Urios and the Bagani of Agusan”. Kinaadman VI (1984) 235-2

[73] From government documents: Legaspi’s encomiendas grants to original conquistadors to take charge of their respective area assignments and collection of tribute. The area across the Musi-musi River in Barangay Baliwagan up to where the Pryze Gas Plant is located comprises the present area of Galas. Across the other side of the Musi-musi River the church ruins stood, and from this area to the Pryze Gas, it is relatively very near. It is likely therefore that the present areas of Galas, or the areas of today’s Barangay Baliwagan, was once called Gompot, the old native settlement of today’s Balingasag, which Miguel Lopez de Legaspi assigned to an encomiendero named Juan Griego on 25 January 1571.  Annotation mine.

[74] At Punta Liyang the floodwaters that turn left or those that are heading southwest will pass along the eastern side of the town going southwest, and will finally exit at Manuyog River taking the courses or waterways either from the Musi-musi or Waterfall rivers. The floodwaters that directly head west from Punta Liyang to the sea take the shortest course passing from Napaliran towards Mambayaan and Mandangoa natural flood waterways. Annotation mine.

o0o